The Precedent of Far-Right Populism in ‘Unprecedented Times’: Brazil’s Response to COVID-19
“So what? … I can’t work miracles” retorted Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro when asked about rising COVID-19 death tolls in April. Now, Brazil has emerged as a global epicenter of COVID-19, second only to the United States, and President Bolsonaro has contracted the virus himself. Against a backdrop of social, environmental, economic, and political crises, Brazil faces a particularly precarious situation.
Brazilians have endured an arduous decade, culminating in the election and presidency of far-right populist Jair Bolsonaro. In 2014, a massive corruption scandal surfaced, Operation Car Wash, implicating many revered political leaders. That same year, Brazil entered a recession, and economic growth still remains anemic. In 2019, wildfires ravaged the Amazon Rainforest – an increase of eighty percent from 2018 – destroying ecosystems, homes, and much of the world’s carbon storehouse. During the first four months of 2020 alone, police in Rio de Janeiro killed 606 people, highlighting Brazil’s epidemic of police brutality. Income inequality has worsened over the past few years; Brazil’s richest five percent now have the same income as the remaining ninety-five percent.
Already suffering a multiplicity of crises, COVID-19 exacerbates Brazil’s situation. Although introduced into the country by richer Brazilians returning from their February holidays abroad, Brazil’s marginalized communities are the hardest hit. The Indigenous communities of Brazil have seen thousands of COVID-19 cases and hundreds of deaths since the beginning of the pandemic. Dinamam Tuxá, the executive coordinator of the Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil (APIB), describes the situation as extermination, highlighting the alarming death tolls of Indigenous elders and chiefs.
On the periphery of urban centers, over 13 million Brazilians reside in Favelas, which are densely-packed houses, lacking basic sanitation and access to drinking water. With a predisposition for community transmission and living conditions that render it virtually impossible to follow recommended guidelines (such as washing hands frequently or social distancing), this region is a breeding ground for COVID-19. Many inhabitants of Favelas are also financially vulnerable and simply cannot afford to quarantine.
Brazil’s healthcare system is overwhelmed and grossly ill-equipped for the magnitude of this pandemic, due in no small part to funding cuts over the past few years. Under the guise of austerity, these cutbacks “violate human rights standards” according to two UN human rights experts urging the government to drop these policies. In Manaus for example, hospitals experience an extreme shortage of intensive care units while death tolls rise; a grievous situation illustrated by its mayor’s teary-eyed criticism of Bolsonaro. Brazilian nurses also have the highest mortality rate of nurses worldwide, indicating the severity of the situation.
Bolsonaro’s leadership exacerbates the lethality of COVID-19. After spending months denying its existence, President Bolsonaro described the virus as a “gripezinha” (mild flu) in a special address to the nation in late March. When state governors introduced social distancing measures, Bolsonaro pushed to ease the guidelines and reopen the economy. He even attended anti-lockdown protests, while unmasked and with a clear disregard for social distancing. In late June, Brazilian Federal Judge Renato Borelli ordered him to wear a face mask while in public or pay the corresponding fine; an order now overturned following Bolsonaro’s appeal. His administration also lost two health ministers within the span of this pandemic. Bolsonaro fired the first one for advocating recommended measures, such as social distancing and wearing masks. The second one quit following Bolsonaro’s criticism of his hesitation to reopen the economy and advocate the use of chloroquine. Army General Eduardo Pazuello temporarily holds the position now, despite his lack of prior medical experience. In early July, after downplaying the seriousness of the virus for months and deriding preventive measures, President Bolsonaro tested positive for COVID-19. Despite this recent development, Bolsonaro insists on the appropriateness of his approach to the pandemic.
However, the egregious leadership of Bolsonaro is not an anomaly but is indeed reflected in other countries led by right-wing populists, such as the United States, India, and the United Kingdom. Unsurprisingly, these countries have experienced some of the highest infection and death rates of COVID-19. Populism, a political strategy that is fundamentally anti-establishment, often features a leader who vows to speak for “the people” overlooked by the “elite” establishment. While not intrinsic to any side of the political spectrum, recent years have seen an uptake in right-wing populism. Right-wing populism does not exist as a monolith, rather its manifestations are highly contextual. Nonetheless, there seems to be a core ethos; nationalism (that often becomes xenophobic), authoritarian tendencies, anti-establishment rhetoric, and demagogues for leaders. Donald Trump is the contemporary face of right-wing populism and he found his tropical counterpart in Brazil.
Indeed, the trademarks of Trump’s response to the pandemic are mirrored in Bolsonaro's: start with denial, downplay the virus, ignore experts (unless they conform to your political narrative), promote inappropriate remedies, threaten to leave WHO, relentlessly prioritize the economy, and question the validity of social-distancing guidelines. It reframes the reprehensible situations in both of these countries as not an inevitability, but a flagrant failure of leadership seemingly not unknown to the leaders themselves.
The question then arises: Why are right-wing populists so incapable of handling a pandemic? Firstly, populists fear being unpopular, and sharing the brutal reality of COVID-19 threatens their popularity. Therefore, while the data indicates the actuality of the pandemic, populists manufacture an illusion of “everything is under control” and “there is no reason for concern.” When questioned about the reality of the virus, they deflect blame onto others (the “Liberals” and “China” seem to be their current favorites). Further, their nationalist orientation often manifests as hatred or mistrust of international institutions. Trump and Bolsonaro both threatened to leave the World Health Organization amidst a global pandemic and Boris Johnson’s hatred of the European Union resulted in missed opportunities for collaboration. Moreover, the academics and experts with the know-how to construct a robust pandemic response often belong to the “elite establishment” denounced by populists. The populists’ need to consistently engage in anti-establishment rhetoric trumps their ability to construct a strategy grounded in science.
Right-wing populism has a dangerous precedent, as seen in Brexit, Trump’s wall, and climate crisis denial. COVID-19 earns its title as an unprecedented situation; a public health crisis that also engenders - or expedites - social and economic crises worldwide. With billions impacted, it remains unclear how the world will look after the pandemic ends. However, one thing is overwhelmingly clear – the dangerous precedent of right-wing populism persists even in the face of a deadly pandemic.